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A new Georgia voting law reduced ballot drop box access in places that used them most

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A sign indicates that an absentee ballot drop box is available to voters outside a Fulton County early voting site at C.T. Martin Natatorium and Recreation Center in Atlanta on May 18.

Monica Poole looked forward to voting in Georgia’s primary in May.

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But after breaking her ankle, she couldn’t drive. Even navigating the stairs from her second-floor Atlanta apartment was impossible, so waiting in line to vote wasn’t an option. Poole applied for a mail-in absentee ballot, like many Georgians have in recent years, and wanted to return it using a drop box.

But the nearest one in Fulton County, where Poole lives, was a 20-minute drive and accessible only during limited hours and days, unlike 2020 when drop boxes were available all across the county and accessible seven days a week around the clock until Election Day.

The new restrictions made the drop boxes difficult to use for Poole, who had limited mobility and a rigid work schedule. So she was forced to mail in her ballot.

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But Poole’s ballot didn’t count, because it didn’t arrive at the county’s elections office in time.

«To find out I did all that and still didn’t get my vote in, I feel discouraged,» Poole said. «I’m an African American female, and we weren’t able to vote for many years, so I feel like it’s my civic duty.»

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Poole is one of millions of Georgia voters affected by sweeping changes to state election laws enacted by lawmakers last year. The changes include restricting access to drop boxes in counties that used them the most, which also have the highest number of voters of color and Democrats, according to an analysis by NPR, WABE and Georgia Public Broadcasting (GPB) of drop box locations, voter registration and other data.

Gwinnett County voter Marian McCray (right) receives help from a poll worker while dropping off her absentee ballot at the Gwinnett County Board of Voter Registrations and Elections, in Lawrenceville, Ga., on May 18.

NPR, WABE and GPB compiled drop box usage data by reviewing thousands of forms used to document the number of ballots deposited in drop boxes daily across Georgia in 2020 and calculating travel time intervals to a drop box for more than 7.5 million voters. 2022 drop box locations are current as of Georgia’s May 24 primary.

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An analysis by NPR, WABE and Georgia Public Broadcasting also found:

  • More than half of the roughly 550,000 voters who cast their ballot using a drop box in the state’s 2020 general election lived in four metro Atlanta counties — Cobb, DeKalb, Fulton and Gwinnett — where about 50% of the voters are people of color.
  • Under the new law, the number of drop boxes in these four counties plummeted from 107 to 25.
  • Nearly 1.9 million people, a quarter of the state’s voters, have seen their travel time to a drop box increase from the 2020 election.
  • More than 90% of voters who saw an increase in their travel time to a drop box live in cities or suburbs, which are home to most of the state’s minority voters and vote heavily Democratic.

NPR, WABE and GPB compiled drop box usage data and locations by manually reviewing more than 9,000 collection forms from drop boxes used in the 2020 presidential election. Poll workers documented the number of ballots deposited in 295 drop boxes across the state daily.

Ballot drop boxes were provided to Georgia voters in the 2020 primaries for the first time as a way to vote safely while COVID-19 ravaged communities. Even before the pandemic, they were a popular tool for voters in states such as Oregon, Washington and Colorado.

After former President Donald Trump’s defeat, many of his allies in Georgia and elsewhere equated drop boxes with voter fraud. So, Republican lawmakers, particularly in Georgia, have moved to curtail access to the boxes before the November midterm election.

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The new law, known as Senate Bill 202, requires all 159 Georgia counties to have at least one box — but no more than one per 100,000 voters. Instead of making them available outdoors 24 hours a day as in 2020, the drop boxes must be kept inside early voting locations with limited hours — typically 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. That can be problematic for voters with inflexible work schedules or those with other time constraints. The bill received no Democratic support.

While it’s too early to measure the law’s impact on turnout, experts say even small changes to voter behavior and turnout can sway election outcomes and erode trust in the voting system, especially in a politically divided state like Georgia with a history of discriminatory voting practices that disproportionately impact people of color.

«In any state that’s going to have tight elections, and Georgia’s had some nail biters, then even those marginal changes could have significant effects on the outcome of elections,» said Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien, who teaches political science at San Diego State University and has studied drop box access and voter turnout. «Not every election is decided by tens of thousands of votes. Some are decided by under 100 votes.»

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Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien teaches political science at San Diego State University and has studied drop box access and voter turnout.

In 2020, then-presidential candidate Joe Biden won Georgia by 11,779 votes. In 2018, Republican Brian Kemp defeated Democrat Stacey Abrams by 54,723 votes — 50.2% to 48.8% — in the race for governor. Polls show similarly tight races this year that could decide control of Congress and who becomes the next governor.

Drop boxes became a political target

Forty-three states used drop boxes during the 2020 election. But in the months following, ballot drop boxes became a stand-in for more sweeping debates around voting rights and election integrity in Georgia and around the country, though they were used by voters of all political parties and in many states like Georgia they were under round-the-clock surveillance. They became a target of conspiracy theories about widespread election fraud promoted by Trump and his allies.

Even after voting to officially add drop boxes as a voting method in 2021, some Republican lawmakers who faced far-right primary challengers later tried unsuccessfully to completely eliminate them, claiming concerns about security and fraud.

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«Drop boxes were introduced as an emergency measure during the pandemic, but many counties did not follow the security guidelines in place,» Georgia Senate President Pro Tem Butch Miller said after proposing that drop boxes be banned altogether. «Moving forward, we can return to a pre-pandemic normal of voting in person. Removing drop boxes will help rebuild the trust that has been lost.»

Georgia Lt. Gov. candidate Butch Miller participates in a Republican primary debate on May 3 in Atlanta.

Miller lost his primary election to be the party’s lieutenant governor nominee, and the legislation banning drop boxes failed to gain traction.

NPR, WABE and GPB reached out to five Republican sponsors of the new election law, including Miller. None responded to requests for interviews.

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In an interview with GPB, Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger defended the election law as a balance of accessibility and security. He said the state’s recent primary election was proof that Georgia has «tremendous opportunities for people to access the vote,» including by drop box.

«We have record registrations, we have record turnout,» he said. «And we have the appropriate guardrails of making sure that the drop boxes are on government property, that they’re now inside an office under the physical surveillance of election workers.»

State Rep. Bee Nguyen disagreed. The Atlanta Democrat voted against the 98-page election law and said her colleagues approved the changes to placate voters who agreed with Trump’s election lies. She said the law intentionally makes voting by drop box harder for Democrats and nonwhite voters in cities and suburbs.

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State Rep. Bee Nguyen, D-Ga., gives remarks at «The Asian Justice Rally — Break the Silence» event on March 16 in Atlanta.

«The attacks were not backed up by any kind of facts,» said Nguyen, who is the Democratic nominee for secretary of state. «All of this was wrapped up in the greater scheme of the ‘Big Lie.’»

The Georgia State Board of Elections recently dismissed a handful of complaints about drop boxes, where voters were alleged to each have deposited multiple ballots in a drop box. Investigators determined in each case that voters were legally dropping off ballots for their family members.

Concerns over drop boxes are not limited to Georgia. In Wisconsin, for example, the Supreme Court recently ruled that ballot drop boxes were not allowed under state law. The court suggested that votes cast that way «weaken the people’s faith that the election produced an outcome reflective of their will,» despite no evidence of fraud.

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The provision had a disparate impact

Rep. Jan Jones, Georgia’s Republican House speaker pro tem, said during a 2021 floor debate on the law that the drop box provision would provide parity for all Georgia voters.

«The vast majority of counties that offered one drop box will continue to do so,» Jones said at the time. «And the very few that had multiple drop boxes will have them according to their population.»

But NPR, WABE and GPB found that the uniformity of drop boxes across the state came at the expense of urban and suburban voters, who make up most of the electorate.

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The drop boxes in cities and suburbs are now so widely spread out that they have become complicated to access in places already dealing with traffic gridlock or unreliable public transportation.

When Jessica Owens arrived at the library branch a 10-minute drive from her suburban Atlanta home to deposit her ballot in the May primary, the drop box she used in 2020 was gone.

Jessica Owens used a ballot drop box that was a 10-minute drive from her house in 2020. But this year the box was removed and she struggled to find one close to her home.

After several hours driving around Gwinnett County with her two toddlers in the backseat, poring over maps and scouring the internet to try and find one, Owens was almost ready to give up. She finally contacted her state representative, who told her that the closest one was now nearly an hour drive roundtrip.

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«Now, I have to plan my day around dropping off the ballot,» Owens said. «An hour doesn’t feel like a long time, but when you have two small kids, it is.»

Twenty-three drop boxes were spread across Gwinnett County in 2020. Under the new law, only six remain in Georgia’s second-largest county — one of its most diverse.

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In 2020, more than 70% of urban and suburban voters lived within 10 minutes’ travel of a drop box, the analysis by NPR, WABE and GPB found. That number dropped to less than 50% for this year’s midterms.

The percentage of rural voters who can access a drop box within 10 minutes of their home this year is 22%, about the same as it was two years ago, the analysis found.

In one urban county, drop box use plummeted

Fulton County voters leave an early voting site located inside C.T. Martin Natatorium and Recreation Center in Atlanta on May 18.

Edward Grimes, 71, showed up at the C.T. Martin Natatorium and Recreation Center in Atlanta. It was the last day of early, in-person voting before the May primary, and Grimes wanted to deliver his ballot in the drop box.

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«You don’t have to stand in line, you just go in, put it in the box and you’re out,» Grimes said, noting the line of mostly Black voters that coiled around the lobby. «I don’t think you can beat that.»

Grimes is in the minority. Less than 1% of Fulton County voters used a drop box this year, compared to 6.3% in the 2020 primary, according to county election officials.

Interim Fulton County Elections Director Nadine Williams said many voters who took advantage of a drop box in 2020 did not use it again in 2022, mostly because the new laws have made them inconvenient.

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«If you’re going to have to get out of the car to go inside, you might as well go ahead and vote,» Williams said.

Fulton County, like other mostly urban and suburban counties, invested heavily in drop boxes in 2020 as a way to remove voting barriers. But when state lawmakers imposed new limits on the boxes a year later, election officials were forced to slash the county’s drop box offerings from 38 to seven.

«There was no way we could possibly cover everything 100%,» Williams said. «We did the best we could.»

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Nadine Williams, interim elections director for Fulton County, speaks during the Board of Registration and Elections meeting at Assembly Hall in Atlanta on July 14.

Limiting access to drop boxes could also worsen existing voting problems in these mostly communities of color, which already have more voters assigned to polling places and longer lines on Election Day.

An NPR/ProPublica analysis in 2020 found about two-thirds of Georgia’s polling places that had to stay open late because of long lines in the state’s primary were in majority-Black neighborhoods, despite those neighborhoods comprising about a third of the state’s polls.

Some election experts also worry that restricting drop boxes not only makes it harder for voters to cast their ballots but may discourage them from voting at all.

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«When we look at it in terms of the data, it may be a two-minute increase (each way),» Gonzalez O’Brien said. «That may be something that for some voters will lead to them not casting a ballot.»

The actual burden on voters is difficult to measure, since the data analysis doesn’t take into account other factors such as rush-hour traffic, he said.

Gonzalez O’Brien has co-authored two studies that examined drop box access and voter turnout in Washington state, which has conducted solely absentee voting since 2013. The studies suggest that proximity to a drop box isn’t just a matter of convenience; living farther away from a drop box is associated with a lower likelihood of voting.

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But little research has been done on drop boxes and turnout. Studies on other similar voting methods, like vote by mail, have had mixed results. Still, Gonzalez O’Brien said that voting methods proven to be secure should be available to voters.

«I don’t believe there are any studies saying making voting easier actually leads to less voting,» he said.

Voters (right) walk past a line of residents waiting to cast their ballot at the Gwinnett County Board of Voter Registrations and Elections in Lawrenceville, Ga., on May 18.

While some voters in urban and suburban communities find ways to overcome the new obstacles of using a drop box, doing so is even harder for marginalized populations, such as voters who are less likely to own a car.

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In 2020, nearly 90% of voters in those communities were able to reach a drop box within 10 minutes. By 2022, that plummeted to 56%, NPR, WABE and GPB found. The bulk of these neighborhoods are majority Black and voted overwhelmingly for Biden.

Kristin Nabers, the Georgia state director of All Voting is Local, a voting rights nonprofit, said even with restrictions on the location and hours, drop boxes remain valuable for people with limited options.

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«I think it’s key that we keep those drop boxes available for people who need to send their ballot with a family member or a disabled person who needs to send it with a caretaker,» she said.

Nabers said that Georgia’s history with laws that discriminate against nonwhite voters also looms over the drop box changes, prompting voting rights groups to educate voters of the changes.

«I truly believe that the motivation for rolling back drop boxes is to make it harder for voters, particularly in urban communities, to vote,» Nabers said. «And I really think it’s a shame that our leaders listened to the conspiracy theorists and actually took action that made voting harder.»

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«We basically have a useless drop box»

While Georgia Republicans have touted expanding access to drop boxes in counties that did not offer them in 2020, voters in many of those communities — mostly rural — haven’t used them.

In Heard County, near the Alabama border, elections director Tonnie Adams said the one drop box he’s required by law to keep is pointless for his county’s roughly 8,000 voters. Voters encounter three election employees before getting to the drop box, so they just drop off the ballots with them.

«We basically have a useless drop box,» he said, adding that no one used the drop box in the May primary.

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In most elections, especially in rural areas, an overwhelming number of Georgians vote in person — either during the three week early voting period or on Election Day.

In Putnam County, about 80 miles southeast of Atlanta, 107 of the nearly 12,000 ballots were returned via drop box in the November 2020 election. Chattahoochee County saw only 10 ballots returned in the drop box, according to election records.

Election directors are now required to follow the new law instead of making decisions that best serve their voters.

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Stickers are available for constituents who cast their ballot during early voting at C.T. Martin Natatorium and Recreation Center in May.

«The nice thing about having local control over elections is that we can all take care of our citizens in a way that works for our citizens,» said Joseph Kirk, elections director of Bartow County, 40 miles northwest of Atlanta.

Democrats, including Biden, have slammed provisions in the new law as being akin to «Jim Crow 2.0.» But Republicans have publicly insisted the law makes it «easy to vote and hard to cheat.»

The reality of Georgia’s drop box changes tracked through the analysis by NPR, WABE and GPB paints a more complex picture than political absolutes. Gonzalez O’Brien said that any changes to voting laws, particularly the use of drop boxes, matter.

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«Could it only have effects on the margins for certain voters? Sure,» he said. «But even if those effects are only marginal, what is the justification for it?»

So far, the changes have been more than marginal for some Georgia voters, including Monica Poole.

In the May primary, Poole’s absentee ballot was one of about 1,200 rejected for arriving too late, records show.

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She said she has lost confidence in Georgia’s voting system and didn’t vote in the runoff election in June.

«It just makes you feel apathetic,» Poole said.

This story is a collaboration from NPR’s Station Investigations Team, which supports local investigative journalism; NPR member station WABE in Atlanta; and Georgia Public Broadcasting.

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How NPR estimated the amount of time different voters need to travel to a drop box

For each drop box location, NPR generated travel time maps, or areas in which a voter can travel to the drop box by driving and public transit within given time frames. NPR used TravelTime to generate transit travel time maps and here.com for driving travel time maps. NPR then overlaid the travel time maps with voter addresses to estimate the minimum time frames it would take for each voter to get to a drop box within their county. NPR used the drop box data, 2022 drop box locations provided by the state, and Georgia’s voter rolls to calculate travel time intervals to drop boxes available in 2020 and 2022 for nearly every voter.

The travel time analysis excluded one drop box in Chattahoochee Hills, Ga., that was available for just over a week during the 2020 election season. You can view the analysis here.

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Characteristics of each voter including race and ethnicity are from the registered voter list from the Georgia secretary of state; the census-tract-level income and ownership data comes from American Community Survey, and precinct voting data is compiled by The New York Times.

Koko Nakajima and Daniel Wood contributed to this story’s data analysis.

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Con el respaldo de Trump, Michels gana las primarias republicanas de Wisconsin para gobernador

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Con el respaldo de Trump, Michels gana las primarias republicanas de Wisconsin para gobernador

Tim Michels, candidato republicano a gobernador de Wisconsin, a la derecha, habla mientras el expresidente Donald Trump escucha en un mitin el viernes 5 de agosto de 2022 en Waukesha, Wisconsin.

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Tim Michels, candidato republicano a gobernador de Wisconsin, a la derecha, habla mientras el expresidente Donald Trump escucha en un mitin el viernes 5 de agosto de 2022 en Waukesha, Wisconsin.

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Aproximadamente un día después de que el FBI allanara la casa y centro turístico Mar-a-Lago del expresidente Donald Trump, su elección para gobernador de Wisconsin ganó las primarias republicanas, según una convocatoria electoral de The Associated Press.

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Al final de la campaña, Trump respaldó al ejecutivo de la construcción y autodenominado novato político Tim Michels, quien gastó millones de sus propios dólares en un bombardeo publicitario televisivo, presentándose a sí mismo como un hombre de negocios y un «forastero» que quiere poner patas arriba al gobierno.

Puede que Michels no se gane la vida en la política, pero no es un recién llegado a la política. Se postuló por primera vez para el cargo en 1998, perdiendo una primaria republicana para el Senado estatal ante el ahora representante estadounidense Scott Fitzgerald. En 2004, Michels se postuló para el Senado de los EE. UU., ganó una primaria republicana pero perdió las elecciones generales ante el exsenador demócrata de los EE. UU. Russ Feingold.

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Después del respaldo del expresidente en esta carrera, Michels se disparó en las encuestas y realizó una campaña competitiva contra Rebecca Kleefisch, quien fue vicegobernadora bajo el exgobernador republicano Scott Walker durante ocho años. Kleefisch también contó con el apoyo del exvicepresidente Mike Pence.

Michels no ha ido tan lejos como Trump cuando se trata de la forma en que describe las elecciones presidenciales de 2020, pero ha puesto en duda la victoria del presidente Biden en Wisconsin, que fue afirmada por un sondeo estatal, un recuento parcial y múltiples declaraciones estatales y federales. decisiones judiciales. Cuando se le preguntó en un debate reciente si firmaría una legislación que «descertificaría» la victoria de Biden en 2020 en Wisconsin, Michels mantuvo abiertas sus opciones.

Michels contra Evers en noviembre

En 2018, el gobernador demócrata Tony Evers ganó las elecciones para gobernador por una pequeña diferencia y la contienda en 2022 entre Michels y Evers podría ser igual de reñida.

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El gobernador tiene la titularidad y un índice de aprobación decente de su lado. Evers está regularmente en desacuerdo con los republicanos en el estado y ha establecido récords de veto. En muchos sentidos, su veto es lo único que se interpone entre las grandes mayorías republicanas en la legislatura y medidas como facilitar el porte de armas ocultas y cambios en la ley electoral que probablemente se convertirían en ley bajo Michels.

Para muchos en Wisconsin, la agenda política de Michel es un misterio. Si bien ha presentado algunas de las prioridades que priorizaría si fuera elegido, quedan grandes interrogantes sobre cómo gobernaría.

Pero el centro de atención de la campaña ha llevado a Michels a tomar posiciones sobre algunos temas. A principios de julio, su campaña no respondió cuando el Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel le preguntó si prohibiría los anticonceptivos de emergencia, conocidos como Plan B. A mediados de mes, les dijo a los periodistas que no lo haría.

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«Estoy en contra del aborto», dijo Michels. «No estoy en contra de la anticoncepción».

El discurso de campaña de Michels enumera tres prioridades como gobernador. Les dice a los votantes que está a favor de la «integridad electoral», haciendo referencia a un paquete de cambios que incluye la eliminación de la Comisión Electoral de Wisconsin. Dijo que también quiere reducir el crimen y reformar la educación.

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Con suministros bajos, la FDA autoriza un plan para estirar las dosis limitadas de la vacuna contra la viruela del simio

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Con suministros bajos, la FDA autoriza un plan para estirar las dosis limitadas de la vacuna contra la viruela del simio

El brote de viruela del simio está creciendo en los EE. UU. y las vacunas siguen siendo escasas.

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El brote de viruela del simio está creciendo en los EE. UU. y las vacunas siguen siendo escasas.

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Dado que la vacuna contra la viruela del simio aún escasea, la administración de Biden está cambiando la forma en que se administra la vacuna para estirar su número limitado de dosis.

El martes por la tarde, los funcionarios federales de salud anunciaron su decisión de permitir que la vacuna JYNNEOS se administre entre las capas de la piel, lo que se conoce como inyección intradérmica, en lugar de en la grasa, como se hace actualmente.

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Al ofrecer las inyecciones de esta manera, solo se necesita una quinta parte de la dosis completa para cada persona.

Para hacer el cambio, la Administración de Drogas y Alimentos emitió una Autorización de uso de emergencia para autorizar la nueva estrategia de dosificación e inyección de la vacuna. (Esto sigue a la decisión de la semana pasada del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos de EE. UU. de declarar la viruela del simio una emergencia de salud pública, y una declaración adicional hoy).

«En las últimas semanas, el virus de la viruela del simio ha continuado propagándose a un ritmo que ha dejado en claro que nuestro suministro actual de vacunas no satisfará la demanda actual», dijo el Dr. Robert M. Califf, comisionado de la FDA. «Esto aumentará hasta cinco veces el número total de dosis disponibles para su uso».

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Incluso con el cambio, una persona aún necesitará recibir dos dosis de la vacuna.

La autorización de la FDA también permite que los menores de 18 años que se consideran en alto riesgo de contraer la viruela del simio se vacunen. Sin embargo, esa población seguirá recibiendo la vacuna mediante inyección subcutánea, no el método alternativo de inyección entre capas de piel.

Se considera que alrededor de 1,6 a 1,7 millones de personas en los EE. UU. corren el mayor riesgo de contraer la enfermedad, pero solo han estado disponibles alrededor de 1,1 millones de dosis de vacunas, debido al vencimiento de las reservas de vacunas y los retrasos en el pedido de reemplazos. De esas dosis, unas 670.000 ya han sido enviadas a estados y otras jurisdicciones.

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Según el nuevo plan de dosificación, los 400.000 viales de vacuna restantes «tendrán el potencial de proporcionar hasta 2 millones de dosis a los estadounidenses», dijo Robert Fenton, coordinador de respuesta a la viruela del simio de la Casa Blanca.

La piel alberga una serie de células inmunitarias que desencadenan una respuesta inmunitaria potencialmente mejor y este enfoque se ha utilizado con otras vacunas, dijo el Dr. Jon Andrus, especialista en enfermedades infecciosas de la Universidad George Washington.

«En realidad es una muy buena técnica y tiene sentido seguir adelante con ella», dijo.

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Pero también tiene desafíos: es más difícil administrar una vacuna entre las capas de piel y requiere un entrenamiento especial. Aunque este método ha funcionado para la poliomielitis y la fiebre amarilla, la evidencia de que funcionará para la viruela del simio se basa en un solo estudio de 2015.

Los funcionarios federales de salud reconocen que todavía hay dudas sobre qué tan bien funciona la vacuna contra la viruela del mono.

«No existe una evaluación tradicional de esta vacuna», dijo Califf, y agregó que la vacuna fue aprobada en función de su «respuesta inmunológica, no de los resultados clínicos».

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Hasta el momento, ha habido alrededor de 9,000 casos confirmados de viruela del simio en los EE. UU., y es probable que sea un recuento insuficiente debido a los desafíos de prueba en curso.

«En este momento, necesitamos muchas vacunas en un período de tiempo muy corto si vamos a enfrentarnos a este virus», dijo Anne Rimoin, epidemióloga de la UCLA. «Y es probable que estas vacunas sean muy efectivas».

Durante este brote actual, la gran mayoría de los casos en los EE. UU. están ocurriendo en redes sexuales homosexuales y queer, principalmente entre hombres que tienen sexo con hombres.

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La viruela del mono causa lesiones en la piel o las membranas mucosas. Cuando las lesiones rozan la piel o las mucosas de otra persona, el virus puede transmitirse, especialmente si la piel no infectada está dañada o rota. La mayoría de los casos en los EE. UU. se remontan al contacto sexual de hombre a hombre, según los últimos datos de los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades.

Es posible que la viruela del simio se transmita de forma no sexual: las personas pueden contraer el virus a través de interacciones cara a cara con alguien a través de gotitas respiratorias o al tocar una superficie contaminada. Pero los datos de este brote muestran que estas rutas de transmisión son extremadamente raras en entornos públicos. Cuando ocurren, lo más probable es que ocurra cuando vives con una persona infectada y tienes un contacto prolongado con ella.

«Los hombres homosexuales, bisexuales y otros hombres que tienen relaciones sexuales con hombres en la historia reciente han demostrado una confianza significativa en las vacunas, con tasas de vacunación contra la COVID que superan con creces el 90 %», dijo el Dr. Demetre Daskalakis, director de la división de VIH/SIDA de los CDC. el coordinador adjunto de respuesta a la viruela del simio de la Casa Blanca. “Creo que vamos a ver que probablemente nos quedemos sin vacunas antes de quedarnos sin armas”.

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Dibujo a mi familia como gatos en estos cómics de 32 mamás (nuevas fotos)

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Dibujo a mi familia como gatos en estos cómics de 32 mamás (nuevas fotos)

Soy Chesca Hause o «Cat Mom», como me han apodado en línea. Puede que no sea la MAMÁ número 1, pero no lo estoy haciendo tan mal y encuentro que los defectos de las personas (especialmente los míos) son una gran fuente de diversión. Creo que es por eso que un millón de personas en varias plataformas ahora siguen a Litterbox Comics: ¡la gente disfruta riéndose del desorden de la vida juntos!

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Empecé el cómic hace 4 años porque me costaba mucho ser mamá. Encontré consuelo al compartir las cosas ridículas que sucedieron y construir una comunidad de mamás que lo entendieron. ¡Lo que no anticipé fue cuántas personas que no son madres también disfrutarían de mi cómic!

Aunque todavía creo algunos cómics palabra por palabra a partir de cosas que sucedieron en la vida real, considero que la familia Cat es su propia «gente» y espero poder seguir dibujando sus aventuras incluso cuando mis hijos crezcan.

Más información: Instagram | facebook | twitter.com | webtoons.com | litterboxcomics.com

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#1

Basado en esto Pío por @elspells13.

Las «Alegrías de la Maternidad» se presionan tanto que no puedes evitar sentir queestásel problema cuando no lo sientes espontáneamente.

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Había sido dibujante desde que era pequeño, inspirado por los grandes como Garfield, Los Simpson e Invader Zim y quería desesperadamente usar mi arte para llegar a las mamás que pudieran sentir lo mismo. Ya seguí los fantásticos Fowl Language y Hedger Humor y pensé: «¿Tal vez yo también podría hacer un webcomic?» Las reacciones a mis primeros cómics fueron muy positivas y gané seguidores rápidamente. ¡Sabía que estaba en lo cierto!

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La gente pregunta si es extraño que extraños se asomen a nuestras vidas. Probablemente lo sería si se sintieran atraídos a parecerse a nosotros, ¡pero tenerlos como gatos realmente ayuda! Ellos sonestablecidonosotros, pero los considero su propia «gente» con vidas exageradas de dibujos animados. Están destinados a ser ridículos y, a menudo, incorrectos, por lo que si las personas reaccionan con fuerza, entonces sé que estoy haciendo mi trabajo.

Lo más importante que me gustaría que la gente se llevara de mis cómics es que está bien no estar bien. Nadie es perfecto y lo mejor que puedes hacer es no tomarte demasiado en serio.

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Tengo un par de nuevos proyectos en proceso. ¡El primero es un cómic exclusivo de Patreon que sigue a Dog Family! ¡Esos cómics solo se publican mensualmente, pero no se pueden ver en ningún otro lugar! El otro es un libro recopilatorio de mis cómics, con un montón de cosas extra dibujadas y escritas por mí. Todavía estoy trabajando en eso, por lo que no estará en las tiendas hasta el 23, ¡pero estoy muy emocionado!

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Si te perdiste las partes anteriores de mi cómic, puedes encontrarlas aquí, aquí, aquí, aquí, aquí, aquí y aquí.

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#dieciséis

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Basado en esto Pío por @mommalibrarian.

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