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Women’s rights have an uncertain future in Afghanistan

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Afghanistan, after the Taliban takeover, is a waiting game. And for Afghan women, the waiting game is agonizing.

The last time the Taliban held power, in the late ’90s and early 2000s, repression was a feature of their rule. This was especially true for women. Girls could not attend school; women could not hold jobs or leave their homes without a male relative accompanying them. Those who defied the Taliban’s directives and their fundamentalist interpretation of Islam were punished, often brutally, with floggings or beatings.

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The US invasion of Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks put the Taliban’s worldview under scrutiny. The war became about more than terrorism; things like the expansion of women’s rights became embedded within the US mission there. In November 2001, first lady Laura Bush said the Taliban’s retreat meant “the people of Afghanistan, especially women, are rejoicing.” In 2010, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told a group of female Afghan ministers: “We will not abandon you, we will stand with you always.”

 

 

Turkish soldiers calm down a woman after she lost her passport while waiting for evacuation at Kabul’s airport on August 18.
 

Twenty years later, the United States is departing, and as it executed those plans, those earlier justifications fell away. President Joe Biden has said, in the military drawdown, that the US objective in Afghanistan was to defeat terrorism there. He said last week, “the idea that we’re able to deal with the rights of women around the world by military force is not rational.”

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That sentiment comes 20 years late, after the mess of two decades of conflict and the still-unfolding fallout of the US’s military intervention. All of it leaves Afghan women facing a precarious future, once again, under Taliban rule — and a question of what role, if any, the US has in that future.

The US used women’s rights to help justify the invasion of Afghanistan

The uncertainty facing Afghan women comes after 20 years of US intervention — which itself followed decades of foreign intervention by the Soviet Union and others — where women’s rights were packaged as another justification for the war in Afghanistan. The gains were real, if uneven and often tenuous, undermined by the insecurity that the decades-long conflict brought.

The struggle for gender equality didn’t start with the US arrival in 2001: Women in Afghanistan fought for their rights long before the Taliban arrived in the 1990s, and some Afghan women’s activists opposed the US intervention.

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But women’s rights got inserted into the rallying cry for war regardless of whether Afghan women wanted them, and at times, they became a cause célèbre. “The fight against terrorism is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women,” Laura Bush said in November 2001, a few weeks after the US invaded Afghanistan following the 9/11 attacks.

“The central goal of the terrorists is the brutal oppression of women — and not only the women of Afghanistan,” President George W. Bush said in December 2001, around the signing of legislation for Afghan women and children. “The terrorists who help rule Afghanistan are found in dozens and dozens of countries around the world. And that is the reason this great nation, with our friends and allies, will not rest until we bring them all to justice.”

Saving Afghan women from the Taliban also helped make the case for continued US war, said Saadia Toor, a sociology professor at the CUNY College of Staten Island. Even among lawmakers who generally support the withdrawal, hints of that rhetoric continue today.

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The US intervention brought attention and it brought development money, much of it well-meaning but not always suited to success. Afghan women did enter public life in a way that was impossible during the Taliban’s rule. “The most drastic shift with respect to women’s rights came formally, legally, constitutionally, and how they manifest within the formal sectors,” said Maliha Chishti, former director of the United Nations’ Hague Appeal for Peace and professor at the University of Chicago. Women’s rights were enshrined in Afghanistan’s 2004 constitution; women held a certain percentage of seats in Parliament and entered sectors like law, government, and media.

International aid — severely limited during the Taliban’s rule — improved some social, economic, and health outcomes for women. Girls and women had access to education, though the instability and Taliban resurgence in recent years has threatened that. In 2020, of 9.5 million students, just shy of 40 percent were girls, according to USAID.

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Still, when it came to women’s rights, they were most tangible in cities like Kabul, which, Chishti pointed out, were also the centers of international funding and foreign militaries that could protect those efforts. Meanwhile, grassroots efforts led by Afghan women sometimes conflicted with what Toor called “NGO-ized feminism” — think conferences on women’s empowerment and other kinds of Western-values activism that wasn’t sustainable and didn’t necessarily fit with Afghanistan.

Mariam Wardak, an advocate and former senior Afghan government official, pointed out that for traditional, religious, and cultural reasons, in many parts of Afghanistan “there is a resistance for women to speak out, for women to hold a certain structure in our society.”

And as the war ground on, the US commitment to women’s rights sometimes visibly waned. Amie Ferris-Rotman, who reported for Reuters from Afghanistan for two years and founded an organization to mentor and train Afghan women journalists, noted for Vanity Fair that “there have long been signs of betrayal” of America’s stated commitment to women’s rights:

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There was the time a senior American official described issues of gender as “pet rocks in our rucksack taking us down.” Then there was the method deployed by the CIA of exchanging Viagra pills for intel on Taliban whereabouts, so that, in the words of an Afghan journalist friend, “old men can rape their wives with America’s blessing.” Let’s not forget the polemic two years ago by academic Cheryl Benard, wife of the Afghan-born American Taliban negotiator, Zalmay Khalilzad, chastising Afghan women for not fighting for their rights, which they are not owed “by someone else’s army or taxpayer dollars.” And when Joe Biden was asked last year by CBS if he bears “some responsibility” should Afghan women lose their rights under a Taliban takeover, the U.S. president responded to the reporter, Margaret Brennan, with “No, I don’t!”

 

 

Women work at a cake factory in an industrial park in Herat province, Afghanistan, on June 1.
 

 

 

Women, youths, activists, and elders gather at a rally to support peace talks and the government in Kabul on March 29.
 

Ultimately, one of the biggest challenges to women’s rights in Afghanistan was years of war. It’s hard to get girls to go to school when they’re displaced by airstrikes or their schools are getting blown up. The Taliban’s advance across the country in the past years meant women in positions of authority were often under threat of kidnapping and violence.

Yet the full return of the Taliban deepens that threat, and threatens to stall or unravel the progress Afghan women have made. Zubaida Akbar, a 31-year-old Afghan activist who’s been in the United States for three years, said the lives of Afghan women have improved, even if that improvement has been slow.

Zahra Nader, a journalist and PhD student from Afghanistan who’s based in Canada, said the US talked about “saving Afghan women from misogynist forces, this gender apartheid.”

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“That did not happen,” she said. “That did not happen at all.”

Yes, she said, she went to school, she went to university in Kabul — an opportunity she recognizes that many other Afghan women did not have. But she and other Afghans were working to determine what came next for their country.

“We were hoping that we’re going to build a society, we’re going to build a better future for Afghanistan, and we will be the ones that decide the future of the country,” she said. But she argued that US intervention, whatever the justifications, was always about US interests, and those are what prevailed: “What was going on in Afghanistan wasn’t really our choice.”

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And now the women in Afghanistan are left to deal with the consequences of that, collateral in a war outside their control. “The international community has failed us,” Akbar said, “and they have made it clear that our lives don’t matter.”

What the waiting game is like with the Taliban’s return

The Taliban have sought to rebrand themselves as a bit more moderate, especially with the world watching. The Taliban spokesperson has assured the public that women would be allowed to go to work and school, “according to Islamic law.” Part of the waiting game is seeing in practice what “according to Islamic law” really means.

This week, the Taliban spokesperson has made assurances that “there will be no violence against women.” Few believe him.

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“We see them as how we know them,” Akbar said. “The Taliban are who they are.”

There are already signs the Taliban are who they always were. One TV news anchor in Afghanistan said she was turned away from work. “You are not allowed, go home,” she said she was told.

As they began retaking territory, the Taliban reportedly sent home female students and professors in Herat. A female university student in Kabul told the Guardian that she would have “to burn everything I achieved in 24 years of my life. Having any ID card or awards from the American University is risky now.” There are reports of the Taliban going door to door looking for any unmarried woman between the ages of 14 and 45 to marry off to Taliban soldiers. A few women I reached out to in Afghanistan declined to speak because they said, almost uniformly, that they are afraid.

“Women are not even leaving their homes because they don’t feel safe,” Lida Azim, an organizer with Afghans for a Better Tomorrow, said. “They might be allowed to go to work or school, but it’s a huge intimidation tactic.”

Akbar’s volunteer organization works with children who have lost their parents, often from conflict, and with mothers, including some who’ve escaped domestic violence. Her group connects people with support services like counseling, medical checkups, and food. The goal, Akbar said, was to create social reform through volunteerism. As the Taliban rushed through Afghanistan, the work stopped. “Because of the type of work that we were doing, our volunteers do not feel safe continuing to work in Afghanistan, unfortunately, and their lives are at risk,” she said.

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Women demand the protection of Afghan women’s rights in front of the Presidential Palace in Kabul on August 17.
 

Others who work with nonprofit organizations or networks in Afghanistan also do not know what will happen to their female staff and volunteers. They fear that if the humanitarian situation worsens in Afghanistan — banks are closed, services are scarce, thousands of people were displaced by the Taliban offensive, the threat of hunger looms — those services will be desperately needed. Some said they are still unsure whether or how their ability to deliver aid might be affected and what that means for the families who rely on it.

But defiance accompanies this fear and uncertainty. Afghans, despite the threat of violence, have protested the Taliban takeover. Women are among them, leading them.

Even women who are intimidated are trying to go to work. Wardak, who also founded HerAfghanistan, a network of women in Afghanistan, mentioned one girl in her network who went to her job last week in Kabul. “She went — terrified. But she went,” Wardak said.

Nader said that even if women couldn’t go to their jobs, they are leaving their homes, just to go outside. They go with a sense of fear, not knowing what is going to happen or what the reaction of one particular Taliban soldier might be, she said. “But they do go out.”

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“Just to tell [them] that we are here, we are not gone,” Nader said.

Some Afghan activists told me they see this as an opportunity for women to push back, especially as the world is watching. “Right now, because Taliban wants international recognition, we have to push boundaries to see how far we can go,” Wardak said.

The Taliban will need foreign money if they want to stay afloat. This could be a place of leverage, as international legitimacy will depend on whether the Taliban meets its commitments on human and women’s rights. At the same time, activists worry that sanctions or other policies to put pressure on the government will trickle down and increase the suffering of the Afghan people.

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Activists said they still want the Taliban held accountable, but the US and coalition allies have ceded some of their leverage as they depart. Military intervention did not bring lasting peace or democracy or rights. But that does not mean the United States or the rest of the world can wash its hands of it all.

Getting those under Taliban threat out should be an international priority

Akbar spent last week fielding calls, filling out visa forms, writing letters. After one day of this, when she looked at the spreadsheet she uses to record her efforts, she counted more than 100 people, all desperate to leave Afghanistan.

Many of the people she is trying to help are women, though not all. The return of the Taliban has put many lives at risk, including those who worked with the US military or coalition forces or international organizations or the Afghan government. Ethnic and religious minorities also face real threats. Women, of course, cut across all those categories or are associated with those who do. There are also the women who became leaders in the past two decades — activists, advocates, and political leaders, who fear they may become direct Taliban targets. They can’t, activists say, stay in Afghanistan and be safe.

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Which is why many activists say that what many women need most in Afghanistan is a way to exit, as soon as possible. “The lives of these women are at risk,” Akbar said. “They will get killed if they stay in Afghanistan.”

 

 

Students walk out after classes at the Zarghoona high school in Kabul on July 25. There is widespread fear that the Taliban will bar girls and women from work and access to education.
 

Since August 14, the US says it has evacuated more than 37,000 people; the pace has increased in recent days, with about 11,000 or so leaving each day, reports the New York Times. Still, in the past week, the chaotic scenes outside the Kabul airport, and report after report of the difficulty of getting through, have revealed how desperate people are. The United States is now deploying troops to get Americans and their allies who are unable to make it to the airport.

Many Afghans who helped the US military or government may be eligible for Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs), but as the New York Times reports, many of those jobs, like interpreters, were filled by men.

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Which is why many activists fear that women may be left out of some of these programs, especially the activists, journalists, and political leaders who are directly at risk now that the US is leaving. Advocacy groups are calling on the Biden administration to prioritize and expedite the evacuation of women’s rights activists, journalists, lawmakers, and other public figures, as have some members of Congress.

“As a global community, not just United States, we need to talk about how do we let them in, how do we open our doors?” Homayra Yusufi, with the Afghan-American Council and the Partnership for the Advancement of New Americans, said.

As many pointed out, the US and its coalition allies have a moral obligation. There is an emergency right now, and whatever happens in the future can’t be completely separated from the decades of conflict and intervention. As Azim, of Afghans for a Better Tomorrow, said, for the US and Western allies, the responsibility is “on their hands.”

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Of course, not everyone can — or wants to — flee Afghanistan. Activists say there’s still a role for the international community in helping people who remain in the country: international aid, specifically, to help the coming humanitarian crisis and try to shore up grassroots groups that do provide health and other support services.

International support may depend on what the Taliban might do around women’s rights in Afghanistan. But right now, there is an immediate emergency — to evacuate women who are being targeted by the Taliban or fear they might be very soon. Those in Afghanistan, desperate to leave, likely believe they have no other choice.

“I am getting calls back to back,” Yusufi said, “as are all of the organizations that work on refugee issues — or just getting bombarded from calls from family members, calls coming in from Afghanistan, being like, ‘I need help, I need to get out right now.’”

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El juicio por asesinato en Georgia por el asesinato de Ahmaud Arbery se considera un caso de prueba para la justicia racial

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La tía de Ahmaud Arbrey, Theawanza Brooks, frente a su casa en Brunswick, Georgia. «Nadie tiene la decisión de ser juez, jurado y verdugo».

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La tía de Ahmaud Arbrey, Theawanza Brooks, frente a su casa en Brunswick, Georgia. «Nadie tiene la decisión de ser juez, jurado y verdugo».

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BRUNSWICK, Ga. – Uno de los asesinatos que provocó protestas por la justicia racial el año pasado vuelve a ser el centro de atención nacional con un juicio que comenzará el lunes. Tres hombres blancos están acusados ​​de asesinar a Ahmaud Arbery, un hombre negro de 25 años que fue asesinado a tiros mientras corría por una calle residencial el 23 de febrero de 2020 después de ser perseguido por camionetas.

«Fue justo aquí», dice Theawanza Brooks, la tía de Arbery. «Aquí es donde descansó por última vez».

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Ella está parada en la esquina de una calle en la subdivisión de Satilla Shores en las afueras de Brunswick. Es un vecindario escondido entre vías fluviales en la costa de Georgia. Los árboles imponentes forman un dosel sobre casas en su mayoría estilo rancho de ladrillos. Un letrero en un patio delantero dice «Corremos con Ahmaud».

Arbery, un ex atleta de la escuela secundaria, vivía a unas dos millas de aquí, justo al otro lado de la ruta 17 de los Estados Unidos. Brooks dice que esta era una de sus rutas habituales para correr porque podía mantenerse alejado de la autopista.

Ahí va ahora mismo. Corriendo por la calle

Pero algunos residentes habían comenzado a sospechar de Arbery, después de verlo en repetidas ocasiones entrando en un nuevo sitio de construcción de viviendas. Sospechaban de él de allanamientos recientes, aunque la policía no lo había vinculado a ninguno.

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El día del tiroteo, el acusado Travis McMichael llama al 911 para informar que hay un tipo en una casa en construcción. «Ahí va ahora mismo», dice en la grabación. «Corriendo por la calle».

El despachador dice que enviará a la policía, pero pregunta: «¿Solo necesito saber qué estaba haciendo mal?»

Arbery estaba desarmado, pero Travis McMichael tenía una escopeta.

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El padre de Travis, Gregory McMichael, también acusado, hizo una segunda llamada al 911.

«Hay un hombre negro corriendo por la calle», dice. Luego grita «¡Detente! ¡Maldita sea, detente! ¡Travis!»

Segundos después escuchas tres disparos de escopeta.

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Los recuerdos, algunos visibles y otros ocultos, están esparcidos por Brunswick, incluido este mural de Ahmaud Arbery.

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Theawanza Brooks dice que a menudo se imagina cómo debe haber sido ese momento para su sobrino, atrapado sin nadie que lo ayude. Ahora se está preparando para escuchar a los acusados ​​argumentar en la corte que todo esto sucedió porque sospechaban de él en robos en el vecindario, que fue el arresto de un ciudadano legal que salió trágicamente mal porque Arbery se defendió.

«Incluso si robas algo, nadie tiene la decisión de ser juez, jurado y verdugo», dice Brooks.

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Juez, jurado y verdugo

En el juicio, Travis McMichael, de 35 años, Gregory McMichael, de 65, y otro vecino, William Bryan, de 52, enfrentarán cargos estatales que incluyen asesinato, encarcelamiento falso y asalto agravado por perseguir a Arbery en camionetas y matarlo a tiros. Han sido acusados ​​por separado de delitos de odio federales. Ese juicio está programado para febrero de 2022.

El tiroteo de Arbery ha atraído un intenso escrutinio nacional, sucediendo casi al mismo tiempo que estallaban las protestas por la justicia racial en respuesta a los asesinatos policiales.

Hubo serias dudas sobre cómo los funcionarios del condado de Glynn manejaron originalmente el caso. No sucedió nada hasta que el video del asesinato del teléfono celular, grabado por el acusado Bryan, fue publicado meses después.

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La ex fiscal de distrito, Jackie Johnson, ahora enfrenta cargos de que intentó proteger a los McMichaels de ser procesados. El mayor de los McMichael había trabajado como investigador en la oficina del fiscal del distrito y era un ex oficial de policía. Su hijo había estado en la Guardia Costera. Varios jueces y fiscales también se retiraron del caso. El juez de la Corte Superior Timothy Wamsley de Savannah presidirá el juicio.

Pasaron casi tres meses antes de que se hicieran los arrestos, después de una creciente presión pública, y la Oficina de Investigaciones de Georgia tomó el caso de la policía del condado de Glynn.

El video de Bodycam de la escena muestra a la policía tratando a Travis McMichael con gran cuidado y deferencia mientras estaba literalmente con las manos manchadas de sangre, mientras Arbery yacía en la calle.

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«Se les dio una cortesía que el ciudadano normal no habría recibido», dice el pastor John Perry, quien era presidente de la NAACP local cuando Arbery fue asesinado.

El pastor John Perry frente al Ayuntamiento en el centro de Brunswick. Sobre el sistema de justicia y las diferencias entre cómo se trata a las personas blancas y negras, «Algunas personas lo llaman el buen sistema de los viejos. Yo lo llamo relaciones de privilegio».

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«Especialmente en la comunidad negra si se descubre que mataste a alguien», dice. «Te esposan y te reservan».

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Perry se postula para alcalde de Brunswick tras el asesinato de Arbery. Es parte de un campo abarrotado de candidatos que refleja un despertar político más amplio.

Él dice que este caso es un excelente ejemplo de por qué muchos ciudadanos negros ven el sistema de justicia como corrupto.

Relaciones de privilegio

«Algunas personas lo llaman el buen sistema del chico viejo. Yo lo llamo relaciones de privilegio», dice Perry. «Hay personas que ascienden a lugares de poder y han establecido relaciones, y esas relaciones establecidas se buscan de una manera que no se busca a otras personas».

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Perry y otros, incluidos los fiscales federales, dicen que el asesinato de Arbery fue por motivos raciales, que fue perfilado como un hombre negro que corre por un vecindario predominantemente blanco.

Los abogados defensores rechazarán ese argumento en el juicio, según el abogado Robert Rubin, que representa al pistolero, Travis McMichael.

«Hay un hombre en el vecindario que no pertenece al vecindario. No porque sea negro», dice Rubin. «No pertenece allí porque al menos está invadiendo una casa a la que no pertenece».

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Rubin argumenta que la sospecha equivale a una causa probable según la ley de arresto de ciudadanos de Georgia en ese momento, y que los McMichaels simplemente estaban tratando de detener a Arbery hasta que llegara la policía. Pero cuando Arbery se resistió, dice, Travis McMichael actuó en defensa propia.

«Están literalmente unidos, el señor Arbery tiene una mano en el arma y con la otra está golpeando a Travis en la cabeza», dice Rubin. “Travis sabe ‘si pierdo la posesión de esta pistola, estoy muerto’. Y entonces dispara el arma. El señor Arbery no deja de atacarlo y, finalmente, mata al señor Arbery «.

La lucha fue capturada en un video de teléfono celular por el tercer sospechoso: William Bryan, que se conoce con el nombre de Roddie.

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«Sin Roddie Bryan no habría caso», dice su abogado Kevin Gough.

Bryan estaba en la segunda camioneta persiguiendo a Arbery. Gough dice que su cliente no tuvo nada que ver con el tiroteo y que ha cooperado plenamente con la investigación.

«Roddie Bryant no hizo nada el día en cuestión que no hubiera hecho ningún estadounidense patriota», argumenta Gough. «Vio a un individuo que no conocía corriendo, seguido por un vehículo motorizado que él vio, en una comunidad que estaba al límite».

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Dice que está mal plantear este caso a la luz de la lucha más amplia de la nación por una justicia igualitaria.

Fuera del histórico palacio de justicia de Brunswick. Se ha convocado a mil miembros potenciales del jurado para el juicio, diez veces el promedio. Los funcionarios de la corte esperan que la gran cantidad de personas enfrente el desafío de sentar un jurado de 12 personas que no conocen a los acusados ​​ni a la víctima y no han tomado una decisión sobre el caso.

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«Parece que estas personas están siendo perseguidas, castigadas, procesadas, como se describa, en un sentido o una forma de expiar los pecados de la aplicación de la ley reales o percibidos en la administración de justicia», dice Gough.

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Muchos ven este juicio en el contexto de otros casos prominentes de justicia racial que han tenido una mezcla de veredictos: Ahmaud Arbery es otro nombre en una lista que incluye a Trayvon Martin, Walter Scott, Breonna Taylor y George Floyd.

E históricamente, los cientos que vinieron antes, dice Bobby Henderson, cofundador de A Better Glynn, un grupo de base formado el año pasado en respuesta al asesinato de Arbery.

Fuimos testigos de un linchamiento

«Aquí estamos en el sur y fuimos testigos de un linchamiento», dice Henderson. «¿Qué tan lejos estamos de 1892? Eso es lo que está en juego».

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De pie en los escalones del histórico Palacio de Justicia del Condado de Glynn, Henderson dice que durante demasiado tiempo, lugares como este no ofrecían justicia a personas como él. Él ve este caso como una prueba de si eso ha cambiado.

«¿Podemos mantener algo de este impulso hacia la verdadera equidad, igualdad y justicia?» él pide. «¿O simplemente estamos atrapados en un ciclo en el que algunas personas lo entienden y otras no? Depende. La Constitución estadounidense no debería ser un pergamino de – depende».

Para Henderson, el caso también es personal. Su hijo trabajó con Ahmaud Arbery en un restaurante de comida rápida cuando eran adolescentes.

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«Me costó mucho emocionalmente», dice. «Estás reuniendo todos estos componentes. Entiendes lo que está sucediendo a nivel nacional, donde la gente está viendo lo que le está sucediendo a la gente negra y morena. Estás reviviendo Trayvon Martin una vez más».

Bobby Henderson frente al histórico palacio de justicia de Brunswick en el centro de Brunswick. Me costó mucho emocionalmente «, dice.» Estás reuniendo todos estos componentes. Entiendes lo que está sucediendo a nivel nacional, donde la gente está viendo lo que le está sucediendo a la gente negra y morena «.

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Su grupo ha trabajado para organizar a la gente y los votantes, y ha cabildeado para que se realicen cambios e investigaciones en las políticas. Y en el último año la aguja se ha movido. La fiscal de distrito que no procesó el asesinato de Arbery fue expulsada de su cargo y ahora enfrenta cargos por su manejo del caso. La legislatura de Georgia derogó la ley de arresto de ciudadanos del estado y aprobó una nueva legislación sobre delitos de odio. Y el condado de Glynn tiene un nuevo jefe de policía: el primer hombre negro en dirigir el departamento. Henderson dice que esos son pasos hacia un gobierno más inclusivo.

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«Creemos que eso es un reflejo directo de la cantidad de trabajo que hemos hecho para que la gente se dé cuenta de su propio poder», dice. «Y donde puedan utilizar su poder para crear su propio bien».

La tía de Ahmaud Arbery, Thewanza Brooks reconoce el cambio que se ha producido en el nombre de su sobrino.

«Se ha hecho una diferencia desde su muerte», dice ella. «Aprendimos que cuando nos unimos colectivamente como comunidad, las cosas cambian. Y creo que esta tragedia ha abierto los ojos a mucha gente».

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Venezuela suspende conversaciones tras extradición de aliado de Maduro a EE. UU.

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El presidente venezolano de la Asamblea Nacional, Jorge Rodríguez, en el centro, habla a la prensa mientras una imagen del empresario colombiano y enviado especial venezolano Alex Saab está en la parte de atrás en Caracas, Venezuela, el sábado 16 de octubre de 2021.
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Las objeciones de Joe Manchin a un programa de energía limpia amenazan las promesas climáticas de Biden

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El senador Joe Manchin, un demócrata de Virginia Occidental, habla con miembros de los medios de comunicación al salir del Capitolio de los EE. UU. El 7 de octubre. Según los informes, Manchin le dijo a la Casa Blanca que se opone a la medida climática clave en los programas sociales y climáticos multimillonarios de Biden. paquete.
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